Works for Freedom
Works for Freedom supports practice that empowers, by sharing knowledge and experience.
Website URL: http://www.worksforfreedom.org
The Women at Risk Coalition is made up of frontline staff, senior psychiatrists, psychologists, academics and funders who between them have worked in the social care, health and criminal justice systems for many years.
They are united by a commitment to address the epidemic of mental illness among female prisoners and women at risk of criminal justice capture in Britain; an epidemic that more often than not stems from traumatic events earlier on in their lives.
From 24th March to 7th April this year, the Women at Risk Coalition will be working with the world's leading expert on trauma in custody, Dr Stephanie Covington, to deliver an ambitious programme of training and awareness raising among policy makers, criminal justice and health workers, ex-prisoners, trauma survivors and activists.
The impact of trauma
Emotional trauma can have adverse impacts on the lives of women and girls, including leading to involvement in the criminal justice system and prison secure psychiatric accommodation, chronic use of drugs and alcohol, street sex work, homelessness and other poor life trajectories.
In most systems women appear in disproportionately small numbers: five percent of the prison population; a third of the population detained in mental health settings; a third of the single homeless population in contact with services. Their needs, however, are often extreme in comparison with the majority of men in similar systems.
The populations recorded in each of these 'systems' overlap; they are essentially the same women.
Starting a revolution
Dr Stephanie Covington, is coming to Britain to kick start a revolution in how we treat female survivors of trauma in both custody and in the community. She will be concentrating on the unique needs of women and to expand on gender responsive policies and practices for women and girls at risk.
From parliament to the frontline, from Scotland to London, she will work with policy makers, frontline staff, the police, former prisoners and survivors of trauma in order to highlight how trauma manifests itself differently in women and girls and how important it is embed a gendered response in policy decisions.
The training she will provide will be the start of a real shift in how people who work with vulnerable women and girls react to the challenging behaviours they come up against, such as anger, risk-taking and self-harm. A wider range of practioners will learn about skills and exercises that can be incorporated into work with women in a variety of settings in order to make sure that women are coming out of prison less likely put themselves in damaging situations.
Taking forward the agenda
Over the coming weeks Works for Freedom will be hosting commentary and analysis on Stephanie Covington's visit by members of the Women at Risk Coalition. They will cover a range of issues, from the why the visit is so important and what the Coalition hopes to achieve, to what they plan to do to take forward this important agenda over the longer-term and how you can get involved.
Handmade Alliance is a social enterprise that works with prisoners and those who have just been released from prison in order to provide meaningful activity and an opportunity for work experience.
Their training courses specialise in textiles, retail and merchandise and as a result they manufacture products for British designers and create their own product range.
Handmade Alliance believe that collaborative work between prison services, agencies and social enterprises is critical to the delivery of integrated 'end to end' services. Their key aim is to prevent people from slipping through the gaps of fragmented services.
They are part of the York House Group, and engage with HMPs Brixton, Wormwood Scrubs, Holloway and many other services and charities across London.
Release is a centre of expertise on drugs and drugs law.
They provide non-judgemental, specialist advice and information to the public and professionals on issues related to drug use and to drug laws. They advocate for evidence-based research and policies that are founded on public health rather than a criminal justice approach.
Their website is full of matter-of-fact information on the effects of drugs, drugs and the law, how to properly use these drugs and how to reduce the harm that may be caused by them. As well as this they have published their policy papers, responses and annual reports on the site.
Missing Link is a mental health and housing service, for women only, based in Bristol. They provide support to women who are sleeping rough, have a history of sleeping rough, or are in danger of losing their home due their mental illness.
Their many services include shared housing where women will recieve a flexible support plan to deal with their needs, build their skill base and help them move on to permanent housing. Missing Link also provides emotional support on the weekends to help women get to know the area they have moved into and feel confident about their new living arrangements.
Counselling and specialist support for self-harm is also available, alongside support for accessing educational, voluntary and recreational activities within the city.
Clean Start is a Social Enterprise set up by Trafford Housing Trust to clear and clean its empty properties. The Trust employs people from the community who are unemployed and have previously been to prison to carry out this work.
Those working at Clean Start carry out removal services, garden maintanance, painting and environmental work. The enterprise aims to deliver a high quality service, while training people and providing them with valuable skills that they can use to find permanent employment. All of this contributes to a safer and sustainable community by reducing reoffending and unemployment rates.
Radio Wanno is an award winning media and literacy project based in HMP Wandsworth.
It acts as a communication tool for prisoners to provide a wide range of information that complement the reducing reoffending pathways. This includes increasing awareness about access and opportunities into training and education programmes within the prison. They also address issues of safer custody, drug awareness, offender behaviour and postive resettlement.
Although managed by radio and teaching proffessionals, this programme is unique because the output is made by prisoners, with prisoners, for prisoners. They emphasise their 'real work' experience - when on this course the prisoners study for radio production, literacy, employability qualifications as well as gaining transferrable IT skills, the ability to work in a team and to a deadline, and analytical thinking and communication skills.
'Gambling with public safety: privatising probation' is an article by Mike Guilfoyle that originally appeared on OurKingdom, the British section of openDemocracy on 23 January 2014.
In England and Wales the probation service works. The Coalition government is privatising it anyway, at speed. A former probation officer assesses an oversight committee's anxious report on government plans.
My final year as a Probation Officer in London was the most stressful of my twenty year career. It was 2010 and the pressure was on to achieve what was, for many in the higher echelons of probation, the holy grail of institutional maturity: Trust status.
The rewards of Trust status would, it was argued, liberate the probation service from central government interference. Devolved local commissioning would unleash new collaborations with partners in local communities, working to reduce reoffending.
Probation practitioners were encouraged to show Stakhanovite enthusiasm, hitting targets for the processing of statutory supervision 'cases'. At daily staff briefings local managers displayed a Commissar-like discipline to ensure that the deadline for Trust status would be met.
So it was with some wry amusement, that I read the anodyne announcement earlier this week from the Justice Secretary, Chris Grayling MP, that there's been a delay. The Ministry of Justice, the progenitor of this top-down target-driven politically motivated privatisation, needs an extra two months. And so, the dismantling of a century-old, high performing national probation service would now start from the beginning of June 2014.
Yesterday the House of Commons Justice Committee published their interim report on the Government's Transforming Rehabilitation programme. Their report (Crime Reduction Policies, a co-ordinated approach? — PDF here), calls into question the viability of some of the government's more grandiose and contested claims on the evidence base of its rationale for its probation service 'reforms'.
There was broad agreement among witnesses to the Justice committee inquiry for extending legislative oversight and post-release 'through the gate' supervision to those short-term prisoners whose resettlement needs have thus far been largely overlooked; given the opportunity they might engage well with many of the community-based organisations who responded to the government's consultation.
The Coalition government claims its Transforming Rehabilitation proposals will reduce reoffending, improve supervision and support for those offenders serving prison sentences of under twelve months (controversially current probation services are precluded from bidding for such work), provide for peer mentoring, resettlement prisons nearer the homes of offenders, greater involvement of the private and voluntary sectors, and the potential for more innovative solutions to the persisting problems of crime in communities.
But, says the Committee:
"Witnesses in our inquiry, including some supportive of the proposed changes, had significant apprehensions about the scale, architecture, detail and consequences of the reforms—some of which are still to be determined and much of which has not been tested—and the pace at which the Government is seeking to implement them."
The Offender Rehabilitation Bill, currently at third reading stage, will, if passed, give legislative underpinning for some of the changes above. But the mechanisms and organisational arrangements proposed by the government are best characterised as policy-driven marketisation, aggressively timetabled, ideologically driven, largely untested, informed by the need for cuts especially in the public sector in a climate of enforced austerity. They are also poorly supported by hard evidence on the likely impacts on future offending.
The Justice committee canvassed a range of expert views on the payment by results approach advocated by government, and advised caution. They warned that payment by results, as presently configured, may result in equivocal or perverse outcomes.
The Justice Secretary's rush to use Labour's 2007 Offender Management Act (which many viewed at the time as a lever to introduce wholesale privatization of the probation service) without effective public and political scrutiny could lead to fragmentation and conflicts of interest. The dangers were clearly illustrated by the recent withdrawal of corporate giants G4S and Serco from bidding for probation work, after much publicized corporate malfeasances and a heightened risk to public safety from delivery failure and poor staff morale.
As Frances Crook, director of the Howard League, demonstrates here on OurKingdom, so-called 'payment by results' is inherently bureaucratic and leads to cherry-picking: outsourcers are tempted to leave difficult cases to the public sector. Payment by results certainly delivers — for shareholders.
The probation service currently has around 300,000 offenders under some form of statutory supervision. The government wants to divide this work between a rump public sector organisation, called National Probation Service, and new commercial providers. The public sector will get the 30 per cent of offenders who are deemed high risk. The 70 per cent deemed low to medium risk will be supervised by twenty one Community Rehabilitation Companies (CRCs) which will operate as shadow companies pending the planned sell off later in 2014 to private and third sector providers.
All this has been widely criticized. Rushed changes to the probation service (the National Probation Service was only set up in 2001) are premised not on reasoned professional advice, but on an arbitrary political electoral timetable.
The government proposes that employee-led mutuals (that's the fig-leaf) will partner up with other (private) providers. The true character of these reforms reveals itself in the way that senior probation staff and (with some honourable exceptions) employers have been silenced. Critique has been suppressed by the myrmidons housed in Noms (National Offender Management Service) the prison-centric organisational body under which probation has been subsumed, acting on ministerial diktat.
Energized by recent strike action, the probation union Napo has galvanized political resistance to these proposals from politicians in both Houses of parliament.
Many of my former colleagues now face job uncertainty, a creeping and insidious sense of de-professionalization, attenuation of terms of employment and the morale-sapping prospects of an outsourced future, if employed in Community Rehabilitation Companies.
Many dread the potentially febrile professionally demanding burn-out arena of the National Probation Service. They fear that they'll be burdened with unsustainably challenging workloads.
The Justice Committee's interim findings give practitioners hope that these proposals might be further delayed or even abandoned, hope that the diminishing range of potential commercial bidders for probation work might now review the viability of entering the proposed market in offender services.
Certainly the prospect of 'through the gate' support to those serving under 12 months in custody is to be welcomed, but with a strong caveat. Increasing supervisory oversight might result in a swift return to custody due to failure to comply with the terms of their supervision. The resultant increases in returns to custody for breach action could offset many of the anticipated gains.
Will the caseload demands of the 50,000 offenders (whose offending in socio-economic terms is estimated at £7 billion a year), namely those short-term prisoners being targeted for government intervention, result in other community orders being marginalised and poorly resourced? There is a weak evidence base for outsourcing, especially outsourcing something as complex and multi-layered as probation.
In the absence of evidence and piloting, the government relies instead upon a pollyannaish confidence that a one-size-fits-all intervention can replace, in its entirety, a probation service that is internationally admired and emulated. The adamantine folly of not disclosing the Ministry of Justice risk register on probation reorganisation (leaked copies of which point towards 80 per cent likelihood of systemic failure) has left the Justice Committee unable to test government claims that such risks can be safely mitigated.
The committee's report sharply criticised the absence of a contractual obligation to employ suitably qualified probation staff in Community Rehabilitation Companies. The MPs approved of plans to employ more ex-offenders as mentors. Further concerns centred on Ministry of Justice procurement practices (the recent debacle of the language services contract is cited) and a worrying dearth of contingency planning if commercial bidders fail and services to courts are imperilled. Will the public sector be expected to shore up such operational failures?
I was recently an audience member at a BBC Radio 4 Any Questions programme when a probation colleague eloquently challenged, by way of a direct question, the Justice Secretary's blithe assertions on his commitment to the professional ethos of a soon-to-be dismantled probation service.
The Shadow Justice Secretary, Sadik Khan MP, also on the panel that night, has been resolute in his recent defence of the probation service. But whether a future Labour government can restore or retain a dismantled service in any recognizable form is a moot point. My colleague called the government's proposals: "morally wrong and factual incorrect".
Should justice be contracted out or should it be constitutive of a more considered civic duty that our fellow citizens owe to one another? This question of whether justice can be commercialised hangs heavy over the government's criminal justice policy-making, but the Justice Committee does not address it directly.
Will the Committee's findings send out a timely health warning for a gung-ho Justice Secretary intent of such corporate vandalism to stop and think again?
Frances Crook, director of the Howard League for Penal Reform, said that the Committee's report "highlights the fact that ministers are rushing proposals through to meet a political timetable, which could put the public in danger. Why is the government in such a hurry to dismantle a probation service that has worked well for more than 100 years?"
"With banks, train services and Olympic security, we have already seen the government step in to clear up the mess left by private firms who failed to deliver the goods. But the risks with probation privatisation are far higher. This could be your house burgled, your bag stolen, your grandchild assaulted."
All is not yet lost. As Crook said: "The fact that plans to destroy probation trusts have been delayed for two months should give the government further pause for thought on whether it is worth gambling with public safety in pursuit of an ideological experiment."
Unlock is an independent charity that strives to provide advice, advocacy and support services for people with criminal convictions.
They combine professional training with personal experience in order to create an environment where people with previous criminal convictions can feel confident that they are being supported and encouraged in getting their lives back on track.
Unlock has the most comprehensive source of practical self-help information for people who are struggling because of their previous conviction, covering issues such as disclosing to employers, criminal record checks, getting insurance and travel abroad.
Their services include:
- Confidential helpline
- Online Information hub
- Expert training for practitioners
- Policy and campaign work
- DisclosureCalculator.org.uk – a unique web tool makes it simple to calculate when convictions become 'spent' and no longer need to be disclosed in most case. In 2012, 6,417 were able to make informed decisions when rebuilding their lives after using the Disclosure Calculator.
Unlock is dedicated to improving individual's resettlement chances, reducing their sense of social exclusion and helping them realise and achieve their potential.
All of this contributes to reduce re-offending by increasing the number of people who successfully overcome the on-going, changing and increasingly complex hurdles that face law-abiding people who have previous convictions.
Ultimately, Unlock wants people to be able to positively move on with their lives.
ESC (Educational Shakespeare Company) is an award winning Culture and Arts education charity based in Belfast who specialise in storytelling through drama and film.
They work with a range of marginalised people, specialising in mental health and criminal justice with an aim of challenging perceptions, tackling social exclusion and helping individuals understand their own potential for change and growth through the documenting of life stories.
Tom Magill, co-founder of ESC and an ex-prisoner himself, directed Mickey B, a feature film adaptation of Macbeth made with prisoners as cast in Maghaberry maximum-security prison. The production has received awards, been translated into six languages, screened globally and has now inspired an education pack. This education pack is designed to engage young people in creative learning and is relevant to many curriculums, but ultimately sets out to answer the question of whether prisoners could eventually become positive educational role models for youth at risk.
ESC were also involved in the 'Creating Change' project which provided them with the opportunity to expand their training resources with ex-prisoners and saw that every £1 invested in their programme had a Social Return On Investment of £10.49. Outcomes reported less re-offending, increased skill set and increased self-confidence and social interaction for those participating.
Since then a new training and support centre, Helping Hands, has been established alongside ESC in Belfast by two ESC ex-prisoner volunteers who offer support and training to ex-prisoners and those headed towards a life of crime.
Yacro know that people just coming out of prison that have no suitable accomodation to go to are very likely to offend and become convicted, and quickly.
This is why it is their mission to take these individuals and offer them a chance to have a secure and settled base from which to start their recovery and new life. When they arrive they are offered in-house numeracy and literacy courses, catering - to help them cook their own healthy meals, budgeting and job application skills. All of these basics are essenial to getting people on the right track and keeping them there.
Yacro has expanded to become a leading provider of a range of offender rehabilitation services, specialising in working with multiple and complex needs and entrenched behaviours. Their services include:
- Male and female hostels
- Second stage multiple occupancy
- Shared housing
- Drug abstinence and recovery
- Integrated support package